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A
submerged minority
As
Slovene Italian writer Pavel Stranj calls it .
Under the first relatively objective census
of the area covered by the present province of Trieste in 1911,
Slovenes formed 30% of the rapidly growing numbers of Trieste city
dwellers and 95% of its rural population. But by 1985 the Slovene
population of Trieste Province was no more than 49,000 out of
250,000, now generally in decline and rapidly aging, according to
the Slovene Research Institute of Trieste (SLORI). There was a total
Slovene population in Italy in 1985 of 100,000.
Slovene is the Westernmost language of the
South Slav languages, which also include Bulgarian and Serbo-Croat.
It has unique features such as a dual number as well as singular and
plurals, and is spoken by over two million people, made up of the
1,900,000 citizens of independent Slovenia, its considerable
minorities in Austria and Italy and smaller numbers in Hungary.
But why should Slovene survive in Trieste
and along the Italian frontier in this day and age, when minority
tongues all round the world are tumbling before the media onslaught
of the major languages?
After all, the 100,000 strong Slovene
minority in Italy is not the only minority in Europe. There are over
a dozen whose situation reaches the desperate. And it is not the
only Slovene minority outside the independent state of Slovenia, nor
the worst served. In some ways the 50,000 Slovenes living in Austria
are even more crushed, not to mention the almost entirely neglected
community of Slovenes living just across the border from Slovenia in
Hungary. Nor is it the only substantial non-Italian minority in
Italy. There are the 400,000 Germans of the Alto Adige (or more
accurately the South Tyrol) and the 50,000 French in the Val
d'Aosta, not to mention the plethora of tiny groups from Greeks to
Catalans scattered across the South of Italy, Sicily and Sardinia.
Everywhere in Italy the laws to protect minorities are more honoured
in the breach than the observance. But none more blatantly than
towards the Slovene minority along the borders of Italy. At various
times, both the South Tyrolers and the Slovenes have been alleged to
be "the most protected minorities in Europe. After all, Italian
laws on the protection of minorities are the most progressive in
Europe." Quite, quite. As a Triestino Slovene friend told me,
successive Italian governments have practised the time honoured
concept of "prima si fa la legge, poi si trova l'inganno"
[ first pass the law and then find a loophole] in relation to
Slovene.
In the province of Trieste, recent Italian
efforts to assimilate the Slovenes have fired a hatred radically
different from the widespread Italian attitude of campanilismo.
This hatred has led to the loss of thousands of lives since the end
of the First World War when Italy first marched into Trieste. As
spoils of war in 1918, along with the 100,000 or so Italians in
Trieste, Italy acquired 300,000 to 500,000 Slovenes and Croats as
very unwilling subjects, mainly those inhabiting the ethnically
mixed Istrian peninsula and patches of Dalmatia but also the
nationally almost purely Slovene western third of Slovenia.
Under Austrian rule, things had never been
very good for the Slav minorities, though by dint of great efforts,
the Slovenes and other Slav groups had built up strong economic
foundations under the Austrian Empire, with their own banks, major
shipping and industrial companies, and a network of schools and
cooperatives. But with the arrival of Italian rule, things began to
go from bad to worse. In particular, Mussolini's Fascists made
strenuous efforts to squeeze the economic, linguistic and cultural
life out of the 500,000 Slovenes in areas occupied by the Italians.
The trend continues, for all the pious words of successive Italian
administrations.
The continuance of Italian Right wing
hypocrisy was exemplified in 1984-86 in telegrams sent to Rome by
Triestino Irredentist threatening that the "draft law to
protect the Slovene minority would, if implemented, reactions that
would be such as to make blood run in the streets of our heartbroken
Trieste".
The hidden ambition behind such Italian Right wing campaigns is
always the same: the destruction of the Slovene minority in Italy
and the recovery of the territories in western Slovenia, Istria and
Dalmatia, "lost" after Italy's surrender in 1943.
The difference between the minority in
Trieste and the other minorities in the Alto Adige and the Val
d'Aosta is that behind the South Tyrolers stand the Germans and
Austrians, and behind the French in the Val d'Aosta stands France.
The Italian Right views the Italian Slovenes as the weak link,
because since the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1991 behind Trieste has
stood only the weak and small republic of Slovenia.
Some advocates of the Slovene minority in
Trieste are complacent about the future of Slovene in Trieste and
along the border between Italy and Slovenia. "All in all, the
position of the Slovene minority is not too bad at the present time,"
I was told in 1996 by Paolo Ghersina, then a member of the Italian
regional parliament of Friuli-Venezia-Giulia identifying with the
Slovene minority, "we have our own infrastructure, not just
Slovene schools, but Slovene banks and newspapers, TV programmes and
a radio station". The Slovenes also have bilingual road signs,
bilingual municipalities, and enjoy special status under the Italian
Constitution and the 1975 Treaty of Osimo that settled the
differences between Italy and the former Yugoslavia, they say.
True, but just try pressing the point and
see how far you get.
Even in the allegedly bilingual outer suburb
of Opcina, most conversations in public are conducted in Italian.
And this is a municipality the two communities are supposedly on an
equal footing, a smart suburb with an eccentric tramline that snakes
down the mountainside into Trieste's city centre. I occasionally
make attempts in primitive Slovene to buy my groceries or beers.
Mainly fruitless, I would add. Admittedly, it would be easier to use
the language in the smaller villages round about. But if I tried
using the language down in the centre of Trieste there could easily
be sneers of "S'ciavo" at worst, or feigned ignorance at
best. Italian supremacist graffiti are rife, and a crew-cut group
with Nazi-like banners parades unhindered regularly in one of
Trieste's city squares. It is not a good idea to speak Slovene until
you are clear of the city centre. But not many Italians from Trieste
speak any Slovene at all. Such bilingualism is simply
folksy-touristic: it does not mean a city where both groups have
equal rights, let alone where there is a true share of one another's
language or culture. It is a cover-up and reeks of the insincerity
that Italian-speaking Trieste exudes along with its hatred.
It is clear that the Italian Triestino
nationalists are totally opposed to any concessions to bilingualism
or multi-culturalism, except to promote publicity from the Tourist
Board, anxious to attract European Union funding and tourists.
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